A Dot on the
Horizon:
A Study of First
Nations Families and Education
Shanda Stirk
Vancouver, British Columbia
A bitterly cold day. School was
closed. Minus 35 plus a wind chill factor of ten. The wind
howled around the corner of my classroom. From the window
I enjoyed the scene of a huge pristine field of large, white
snowdrifts and sparkling hoar frost on the trees and link
fence. A tiny dot of yellow moved into the frosty scene.
A kindergarten child dressed in a thin yellow spring jacket,
zipper undone, and ragged blue jeans propelled me outside.
There were no socks in the slip-on running shoes and no
mittens on the hands holding the sharp-edged top from a
tomato soup can which she licked like a lollipop. The feeling
of severe cold and the outline of this little figure remain
embedded in my memory.
 |
Each year
of teaching First Nations students in similarly difficult
circumstances has deepened my desire to examine and understand
why inequity in educational achievement and socio-economic
conditions between First Nations students and their classmates
exists. Kumashiro (2000) states that researchers need to
examine inequities that create difficulties for oppressed
groups of people. It has been well documented in various
research articles that First Nations people were colonized
through the oppression of cultures, languages, family structures,
and education. They were forced to learn the way of life
of the “colonizing power.” To give a child a
warm jacket and drive her home is helpful, but will not
affect change to the underlying structures that continue
to oppress First Nations people.
The initial
research for this project was conducted by myself, a classroom
and special needs resource teacher, and Kelly Cooksley,
someone who has observed many First Nations children struggle
with participation, commitment, and self-confidence in after-school
programs. We noted that other children in these programs
did not struggle as significantly with these issues, and
observed that many First Nations students from various cultural
backgrounds have struggled immensely with these same issues
in our classrooms. Accreditation statistics during the school
year of 1997/98 showed that 90 out of our school’s
325 students received Learning Assistance support for reading
or mathematics from three resource teachers. Only 27% of
our school population is comprised of First Nations students.
Yet 54% of the 90 students receiving Learning Assistance
were First Nations students. We asked ourselves, “Why
do First Nations students have difficulties in our school?”
Kelly and I worked together on our research project to answer
this question.
As educators,
it was necessary to remind ourselves that “requirements
for school success, which involve mastering the school curriculum,
learning to speak and write standard English, and exhibiting
‘good’ school behaviors, are interpreted as
white society’s requirements” (Ogbu, l998, p.
178), and that various cultures do have differing objectives
and goals for their young. Kirkness (1990) also urges mainstream
educators to understand the importance of changing objectives
and goals to better correlate with those held by Aboriginal
parents. In light of this, we decided to focus on teachers’
and First Nations parents’ expectations for supporting
success in school. We wanted to listen to what parents felt
was most important for them regarding their children’s
education. We completed the research by April 2002 and I
wrote our findings for this publication.
Literature
Which Informed Our Understanding
We undertook
this project to look at what Aboriginal parents and teachers
of Aboriginal students think is needed to support success
for First Nations students. Our brief account of personal
experiences and research helps us to understand some of
the difficulties experienced by First Nations families today,
and, therefore, the legacy of historical events as they
are played out in contemporary classrooms.
Mary Lawrence
(1996) likens her experiences in residential schools in
southern British Columbia to those found in army barracks—one
hundred beds in a single room, each with a gray blanket
on top. Awakened at 6:30 a.m. by a whistle blowing and a
nun yelling to get up, Lawrence would get dressed and go
to Mass followed by a breakfast of congealed cold oatmeal
at 7:30 a.m. She recalled getting the strap often, because
after lights were out, she would be caught in her sister’s
bed—a few rows from her own. Lawrence rarely saw her
brother due to the separation of males and females in dorms,
classes, meals, and during recreation times.
Rosalyn
Ing’s (2000) doctoral thesis is a combination of research
concerning First Nations people in Canada’s beginning
years, and the experiences of First Nations people who either
attended or had a parent who attended residential school.
The policies and acts passed by the Canadian government
in the late 1800s and early 1900s, described in detail in
Ing’s thesis, were designed to effect colonization
and assimilation of First Nations culture and people, and
to suppress Aboriginal culture. Reading this description
opened my eyes to a history I had not studied in school
or at university.
In addition
to these policies,
fatal diseases introduced by white men such as smallpox,
starvation due to the loss of buffalo, the purposeful introduction
of alcohol, and the expulsion of First Nations people from
traditional lands caused immense suffering in every part
of First Nations peoples’ lives, making them vulnerable
to domination by the colonizing power. Centuries-old cultural
events were banned and parents were forced to send their
children to residential schools where they were forbidden
to speak their own languages as part of a plan to assimilate
First Nations’ cultures. This loss multiplied over
the years, leading eventually to the disintegrations of
entire communities where children who came home could no
longer speak their parents’ languages, and parents
could not speak English.
Hare and
Barman (1998) state that children in residential schools
spent less time on academic study because they often did
chores related to the upkeep of the school. In these schools,
an insufficient curriculum was provided, children were hungry
because of poor nutrition, cultural and family ties were
discouraged, and the identities of the children were purposefully
suppressed as First Nations children were taught a “superior
culture.” Many First Nations children experienced
trauma and witnessed horrific atrocities enacted on their
siblings and friends. This made recovery and return to normal
life extremely difficult after school was finished. Hare
and Barman (1998) cite weak curriculum, poor nutrition,
cultural suppression, trauma, and learning a new language
as contributors to illiteracy rates for First Nations youth
of 40%, compared to rates of 2% for non-Aboriginal Canadian
youth in 1921. Clearly, these harsh conditions led to a
serious loss of self-confidence, culture, and identity,
which could not be easily retrieved.
Corenblum
(1996) reviews many empirical studies involving white children,
who are usually in the majority of the population, and Aboriginal
children, who are usually in the minority. In these studies,
children had to choose between white dolls or native dolls,
and select one that looked most like themselves. The results
did not change regardless of the age of subject samples,
location of studies, time period of research (l974–l986),
racial group of experimenters, language used, or children’s
accuracy in labeling dolls or pictures.
Native
children chose pictures or dolls representing majority group
members when answering questions about own and other group
members...According to this perspective, minority group
children wish to symbolically join the high status majority
group, and by so doing, enhance their social identity and
maintain self-esteem. According to this perspective, choosing
white dolls reflects Native children’s desire to close—at
least symbolically—the distance between themselves
and those whom they perceive to be high status, in-group
members. (88)
Corenblum
concluded that if the minority feels the majority does not
approve of their group, self-esteem and identity can be
threatened.
Hare and
Barman (1998) describe the “?family
unit as the center of Aboriginal society”? (3). Because
families were pulled apart for such a long time, “many of the
problems endemic to Aboriginal communities, such as family
violence, alcoholism, suicide, and poverty, have their roots
in assimilation and colonialism, in which residential schools
played a major role”?
(17). Hare and Barman state “?negative
attitudes towards schools today”? (17) come
from the past experiences of generations of First Nations
people. They also state “?Aboriginal
children persevere in educational systems which are paternalistic,
racist, and do little to address their needs”? (23). External
control of funding and curriculum by governments, failure
to recognize or value the uniqueness of various First Nations
cultures, lack of culture woven into curriculum, and not
enough Aboriginal staff in schools are some of the features
of schools that Hare and Barman point to as ones that perpetuate
racism and the struggle of First Nations to succeed within
the institution of schools.
 |
Methods
of Inquiry
We used
field study methods to collect data on the goals and objectives
First Nations families and teachers set for elementary-aged
students. We assured parents and teachers about confidentiality
within a brief individual presentation about our study.
We made ourselves available in person or by phone to answer
any questions participants had before committing to the
project. Each potential participant was assured that there
would be no adverse consequences if they decided not to
participate in the interview. Consenting participants were
asked to meet with one of the co-investigators for approximately
thirty minutes to an hour, and most agreed to have the interview
tape-recorded. A letter of consent, including a clear description
of our research project, was hand-delivered to participants.
We asked five teachers who expressed an interest and had
two to four First Nations students in their classrooms to
complete an interview. Participating teachers had assignments
that ranged from early primary to late intermediate levels.
The First
Nations Support Worker was involved in asking parents to
participate in this study and in explaining the research
to them. Three parents agreed to be interviewed. I wondered
if more parents would have agreed if a First Nations person
had conducted the interview, or if the interviewer had not
been someone from the school system. The parents I interviewed
were initially a bit nervous, but towards the end of each
interview, felt more comfortable, and seemed pleased to
have had an opportunity to express their viewpoint.
Five teachers
and three parents represent a very small sample of our school
population, and of a large school system. Although the interviews
give a limited amount of information, the information that
was gained did provide some answers to how we could support
success for Aboriginal students in our school.
Research
Questions
The three
parents and five teachers were asked similar questions.
Parents were asked to tell us about their own experiences
at school to help them feel more comfortable at the beginning
of the interview. Teachers were then asked to briefly describe
their teaching experiences related to First Nations students.
Parents were asked how they thought their children learned
best. All interviews contained questions regarding the most
important things First Nations children need to receive
at school to support success in achieving academic goals
and participation in extra-curricular activities. Parents
and teachers were asked whether or not they felt the current
education system meets the children’s needs. Finally,
each person was asked if they would like to add anything
or if there were any resources they thought would be helpful
to support First Nations students.
Parent
Experience with the School System
All three
parents said their own school experiences were full of instances
in which they had to endure name-calling, being picked on,
“getting looks,” not being acknowledged, and
being left out of activities they saw other children enjoying.
One parent said, “Other students treated me differently
because I was Native, and teachers were busy with other
children and didn’t seem very concerned with what
was going on with us.” Another parent grew up in a
small town in Saskatchewan where hers was the only Native
family. She remembered a single Asian family that was more
accepted than her family was. “I guess my school years
were very lonely, because I never got to enjoy the same
things other kids did.”
The parents
all reflected on their lack of self-confidence. One father
said he “felt stupid” when he could not understand
what the teachers were talking about when he attended parent-teacher
interviews. “Our people feel so ashamed that they
don’t have those same skills.” One parent felt
she was talked down to when attending parent-teacher conferences,
but found that conferences were more helpful than report
cards.
One parent
cited residential school experiences as a reason why parents
play a minimal role in schools today. Relationships and
parenting skills were lost when families were separated
by distance and time. One parent whose mother attended a
residential school described her relationship with her mother
as “not being close” because her mother missed
the training that a parent-child relationship often provides.
Racism
was the strongest theme emanating from the parent interviews.
The three parents felt that racism permeated their own and
their children’s experience at our school. Parents
believed others thought of them as the weakest culture.
“First Nations families…are not good. I think
it is hard to break that [perception].” One parent
said her children seemed to seek each other out at school
and played mainly with friends who were First Nations. A
parent told her children “to stay away from kids that
don’t treat them right,” when the children were
called names. Parents felt racist attitudes emanated more
from peers. I wondered if parents were willing to discuss
racism only by their children’s peers because they
were being interviewed by a teacher. I wondered if they
would have mentioned racism stemming from curriculum or
the school system if they had been interviewed by a First
Nations person.
One parent
suggested that the issue of racism needs to be addressed
by staff and multi-cultural workers working with families
at school. One parent thought that perhaps the First Nations
community “plays its own part in it too, kind of a
learned helplessness—this attitude—you’re
not as good as everyone else, and it’s not going to
change.” Kehoe and Echols (1994) found that seven
groups of various ethnic cultures consistently rated First
Nations people low on a test that measured attitudes of
how various cultures view each other. “The most negative
evaluations were by Asian-Canadians,” (68). One parent
felt the support available for First Nations people was
not sufficient to make a difference in dispelling racism.
Support
Parents Appreciated and Needed
Work sent
home, such as flash cards, pictures, and books, was seen
as helpful and parents appreciated being given these materials.
“I tell my children they are very lucky. It’s
a lot different than when I went to school. I think they
know that.” Parents suggested that one-to-one assistance,
step-by-step demonstrations, more time to learn when children
do not get it the first time, and more explanations were
necessary for their children to understand classroom lessons.
Parents
said they want to help their children with homework but
often found the homework confusing. The struggle of day-today
living was felt to be a major factor which affected parents’
lack of time spent in the school or helping with schoolwork
at home. They expressed appreciation for the positive ways
in which teachers treat children, especially in helping
children with difficulties fit in. Parents believed their
children needed more support in all school programs. Parents
sensed that their children need extra encouragement to attend
programs after school and needed more instruction and time
to understand and learn a sport activity.
Parent
Goals for Their Children
Parents
did not talk directly about what they wanted their children
to learn academically, but throughout the interviews they
suggested that they wanted their children to learn what
the teachers were teaching. Kehoe and Echols (1994) stated
that First Nations parents would like their own children
to achieve as well as non-native students on standardized
achievement tests. One parent in our study wanted her children
to realize that high levels of education were available
and attainable. All the parents wanted their children to
have a sense of belonging within the school and they also
wanted their children to participate in after-school activities.
Parents
in our study were asked if they felt the teachers’
goals were the same as their own. One parent knew that the
teachers had positive attitudes toward her children and
thought teachers were concerned about the academic success
of her children. One parent believed that her children were
getting a good education and had decided not to move because
other schools did not have what this school had to offer
in terms of extra support for learning and after-school
programs, including volunteer staff support. Parents felt
that support given in primary years was crucial and would
affect the children in later years where it was felt that
intermediate children were so much harder to reach, even
when receiving extra support.
Parents’
Views about their Cultures
Parents
expressed regret about not knowing their own individual
cultures and not being able to teach them to their own children.
Parents felt that moving to Vancouver resulted in a loss
of what little culture parents had learned as children.
Vancouver was described as a “melting pot” of
Aboriginal cultures which made it difficult to teach and
learn about individual cultures. Parents appreciated the
school’s attempts to teach Aboriginal cultures and
the different events that have been held in the last two
years developed to do this; however, one parent recalled
a time when another parent did not want First Nations culture
taught in her child’s class because it was different
from her own. Parents valued the language, regalia, and
stories that they had lost and felt their children would
become more self-confident and proud if more of their culture
was taught at school.
Teachers’
Classroom Experiences Related to this Study
Each of
the five teachers interviewed had eight or more years experience
working in inner-city schools. Over the years, they had
worked with many First Nations students in their classrooms
and fondly remembered the relationships they had developed
with these students. Teachers were proud of the accomplishments
of many of their Aboriginal students.
However,
poverty, addiction, inadequate nutrition, neglect, lack
of role models, and absenteeism were some issues mentioned
by all five teachers when they reflected on their students’
experiences. Teachers attributed these harsh conditions
to the fact that they were teaching in an inner city school
but added that the conditions “seemed to be compounded
within First Nations families.” One teacher stated
that “the difficulties often seem insurmountable because
their home situation and their environment seems so complicated.”
One teacher felt that residential schools had “devastated
families because parents were not able to look to their
own parents as role models on how to help their children
in school or at home.” One teacher remembered a conversation
with a grandmother who had such a difficult time in a residential
school, she was unable to enter a school without feeling
that it was not a good place to be.
Teachers’
Views on Best Practice/Support Needed to Help First Nations
Children Learn
Teachers
suggested that literacy was a key for students’ future
success. One-to-one teacher support, less competitive situations
in which to learn in, small-group work, repetition of work,
humour, using various teaching styles, and allowing students
more time to think before asking them for an answer were
some of the solutions teachers offered to help their First
Nations students, and others, learn more effectively. Hand-over-hand
support, the use of manipulatives, role-playing, graphic
organizers, and simple play time have benefits for all students,
but teachers felt First Nations students benefited more
through the use of these methods. One teacher encouraged
students to believe in their abilities and their “power
of choice” (i.e., to believe that their lives will
reflect what they choose and therefore, that they should
choose positive things for their life).
Two teachers
said a structured timetable and consistency in classroom
management help their First Nations students understand
lessons and achieve success because they provided a clear
framework for expectations. Teachers agreed strongly that
they want to maintain the same expectations for every student;
however, teachers would adjust their expectations so that
students could achieve success. Two teachers felt parents
thought their children were discriminated against when consequences
(given to all students) were imposed for misdemeanors.
The teachers
felt they needed more time with the First Nations Support
Worker in class and working with students. This position
could be crucial to bridge the gap between parents and the
school. Three teachers felt that the government and Vancouver
School Board (VSB) cuts make it difficult for First Nations
students to be successful. Increased class size, decreased
resources and teacher time for each student, and a reduction
in resource staff support make it challenging for staff
to attend to the individual needs of students.
One teacher
deemed developing relationships and earning of the trust
of all parents an important part of his job. He made himself
available before and after school as well as at reporting
times. He felt this was important with First Nations parents
because “school is not associated with a happy time
in their life. With parents on board...they see how important
this is for their child....it makes a big difference.”
A second teacher said her students trusted her more when
they knew her expectations were attainable, “that
they can do it.” She believed that building warm relationships
with her students was a key factor in helping her students
achieve success.
All teachers
knew it was important for all students to enjoy coming to
school, but believed that this factor was critical for success
for First Nations students. Building up self-esteem was
a focus in all five teachers’ classrooms, and all
teachers mentioned working on self-esteem with First Nations
students by having peer tutors, support from counseling
staff, and after-school programs. One teacher felt that
weaving First Nations culture throughout the curriculum
was crucial in building self-esteem.
Teachers’
Thoughts Related to Culture
Teachers
felt the school needed to do more to acknowledge First Nations
cultures such as inviting First Nations celebrities, role
models, artists, etc., to speak to the students. Battiste
(1998) recommends not using “the ‘add-and-stir’
model of education” (47), but suggests integrating
First Nations cultural materials throughout the curriculum.
One teacher agreed stating, “It is the building up
of pride in their culture. If you don’t use these
or don’t mention or display any First Nation materials,
they don’t see anything to be proud of.”
Two teachers
felt staff needed to learn more about First Nations issues
and concerns, as well as the best teaching styles to use,
and even what parts of various First Nations cultures to
teach. Teachers felt a significant need for more professional
development that would help them assist parents to be more
involved with home study, agendas, overcoming tardiness,
and forming partnerships with parents to help their children
achieve more success in school.
Four
Key Issues Identified from Interviews
Over the
course of the interview process, four key issues emerged:
Racism, Integrating First Nations Studies/Culture, Creating
a Sense of Belonging, and Academic Success. Each of these
is discussed in greater detail below.
Racism
Ing, (2000)
quotes Friere’s definition of racism as, “the
doctrine that some races are innately superior or inferior
to others” (14). Parents felt racism deeply affected
their own and their children’s experiences at school.
The BC Human Rights Commission Report (2001) states that
“there is the repeated reference students and parents
make to racism and discrimination in schools. We must be
honest about the issue of racism and work in partnership
to eliminate it from individual, institutional and systemic
practice” (6).
Integrating
First Nations Studies/Culture
Parents
discussed how it is important that their children learn
about their culture, traditions, and history. Parents and
teachers think a greater emphasis on integrating aspects
of First Nations culture within the school would help First
Nations students build identity and self-esteem, and would
assist all students in the school to appreciate and understand
First Nations cultures. The BC Human Rights Commission Report
(2001) states it is “important for non-Aboriginal
students to be made aware of a more inclusive representation
of the history of this country to ensure that systemic ignorance
is not perpetuated” (23).
Creating
a Sense of Belonging
Parents
who had struggled with a sense of lack of belonging when
they were children felt that their children were still struggling
with this issue. Teachers felt it was important for students
to feel they belonged. Kehoe and Echols (1994) state that
a sense of belonging affects achievement in schools, and
correlates directly with better attendance and academic
work.
Academic
Success
Both parents
and teachers identified extra support as a key factor in
helping First Nations students to be successful. Parents
discussed finding it difficult to help their children and
the appreciation they felt for help they received with this
from teachers. Teachers recognized their need for professional
development related to best practices to ensure academic
success with their First Nations students. The BC Human
Rights Commission Report (2001) states, “Education
is a fundamental human right of all people, but for the
Aboriginal community it may be particularly critical as
a step to overcoming historical disadvantages” (2).
Ideas,
Suggestions, Programs
The BC
Human Rights Commission Report (2001) suggests examining
“individual, institutional and systemic practices
that perpetuate racism and discrimination within the public
school system” (6). They go on to say that “These
structures are so much a part of the public school system
that it is difficult to step back and look at them objectively”
(17). The HAWK theme (H-help ourselves and others, A-attitude
and acceptance, W-we try our best, K-kindness and respect)
we promote at our school should include a greater emphasis
on racism, helping to teach children and staff how to recognize
and deal with racism when it arises. These issues include:
“What is racism?” “How can racism be harmful?”
“What can you do about preventing racism?” and
“What tools or skills do I need to overcome racism
if I experience it?” Adopting such a focus will help
us, as a school, learn how to recognize and change racist
attitudes embedded within our school population and systemic
practices.
First Nations
parents described the lack of a sense of belonging at school
for themselves and their children. Goulet (1998) suggests
developing relationships “outside the formal relationships
of teaching” (75), will be important when working
with Aboriginal communities because parents may have had
painful experiences in school. Relationships between parents
and teachers need to be built as partnerships, not with
teachers as authority figures. Teas, teaching parents how
to support their children’s learning, and having elders
come in to teach native culture are some of the strategies
which two teachers in Goulet’s (l998) article used
to develop relationships with parents. I have begun a “Cookie
Crumb Reading Club,” at which parents and children
enjoy coffee, juice, and cookies while reading together.
I hope to connect with these families and affirm how much
I value our partnership through activities such as these.
Concluding
Thoughts
What can
I do to be a teacher of social justice? Greene (1998) describes
two aspects of teaching for social justice. “There
is the importance of arousing the “sense of injustice”
and of keeping it alive....the joy of working for transformation
in the smallest places” (xiv). I have struggled with
how to respond to the immensity of the historical and present-day
issues facing First Nations people; as a non-native middle
class privileged teacher who does not want to alienate parents
by expecting them to embrace my views of success. This study
has helped me, and I hope will help others, to understand
the injustices suffered by First Nations people.
Through
this process I learned how to do action research and because
I worked in my own school, I could not detach myself from
the issues I explored during the research or when the paper
was completed. The research made me examine issues as well
as my own perceptions and teaching practices, and helped
me identify how to effect change in my own small place.
I have worked with Kindergarten to Grade 3 children as an
enrolling teacher and presently support children with special
needs in their own classes. The little girl walking through
the frozen snowdrifts was a First Nations child in my Kindergarten
class during my first year of teaching 22 years ago. This
study now feels like the small yellow dot on the huge frozen
field: a little bit of knowledge in a vast land.
Resources
Barriers
to equal education for Aboriginal learners. (May 2001).
BC Human Rights Commission Report. (1-61).
Battiste,
Marie. (1998). Enabling the autumn seed: Toward a decolonized
approach to Aboriginal knowledge, language, and education.
Canadian Journal of Education. 22(1), 42-53.
Breaking
the chains: First Nations literacy and self-determination.
(March 1994). Report of the Assembly of First Nations
Language and Literacy Secretariat. Office of the National Chief, Ottawa office.
Burns,
George E. (1998). Factors and themes in First Nation/Provincial
school boards tuition agreement negotiations and tuition
agreement schooling. Canadian Journal of Native Education.
22(1), 53-66.
Corenblum,
Barry. (1996). Development of identity in Native Indian
children: Review and possible futures. The Canadian Journal
of Native Studies. 16(1) 81-103.
Douglas,
Vernon R. (1987). The education of urban Native children:
The Sacred Circle Project.” Indian education in
Canada: Volume 2: The challenge. University of British Columbia Press: Vancouver, B.C.
Dunlop,
Herbert Francis, O.M.I. (1989). Andy Paull. As I knew
him and understood his times. The Order of the O.M.I. of the St. Paul’s Province.
First
Nations Parents Club—A
handbook for parents.
(October, 2000). Prepared by: The First Nations Education
Steering Committee and the First Nations Schools Association.
Goulet,
Linda. Two teachers of Aboriginal students: Effective practice
in sociohistorical realities. Journal of American Indian
Education.
Hare, Jan,
and Barman, Jean. (2000). Aboriginal education: Is there
a way ahead? In Visions of the heart: Canadian Aboriginal
Issues. 2nd
Edition. David
A. Long and Olive P. Dickason. (eds.). Toronto: Harcourt
Brace Canada: 1-19.
Ing, N.
Rosalyn. (2000). Dealing with shame and unresolved trauma:
Residential school and its impact on the 2nd
and 3rd generation adults.
Unpublished dissertation, University of British Columbia,
Vancouver, British Columbia.
Kehoe,
John, and Echols, Frank. (1994). Improving achievement and
other outcomes among urban Native students. Canadian
Journal of Native Studies. 14(1).
Kirkness,
Verna J. (1994). Our Peoples’ education: Cut the shackles;
Cut the crap; Cut the mustard. Canadian Journal of Native
Studies. 22(1),
10-15.
Kirkness,
Verna J. (1994). The autobiography of Chief Simon Baker.
Vancouver, B.C.: Douglas and McIntyre.
Kumashiro,
Kevin K. (2000). Toward a theory of anti-oppressive education.
Review of Education Research. 70(1), 25-53.
Lawrence,
Mary. (1996). My people, myself. Prince
George, B.C.: Caitline.
Maina,
Faith. (1997). Culturally relevant pedagogy: First Nations
education in Canada. The Canadian Journal of Native Studies.
17(2), 293-314.
Ogbu, John
U. and Herbert D. Simons, (1998). Voluntary and involuntary
minorities: A cultural-ecological theory of school performance
with some implications for education. Anthropology and
Education Quarterly.
29(2), 155-188.
Report
and Recommendations of the Task Force on First Nations Education
to the 1999 Annual General Meeting (revised annotated versions.
(1999). http://www.bctf.ca/social/AboriginalEd/TF-Report.html
Shared
learning, integrating BC Aboriginal content K-10. (1998).
Aboriginal Education Initiative. BC Ministry of Education, British Columbia.
Smith,
Melvin H. (1995). Our home and Native land? Altona,
Manitoba: Friesen.
Sterling,
Shirley. (1993). Quaslametko and Yetko: Two Grandmother
models for contemporary Native education pedagogy. Canadian
Journal of Native Education. 19(2).
Walton,
Patrick. (1999). An evaluation of First Nations Education
in North Okanagan-Shuswap S.D. 83. B.C. Ministry of Education,
British Columbia. See also: http://www.bced.gov.bc.ca/abed/readings/sd83/welcome.htm
Wey, Delores
van der. (2001). Exploring multiple serendipitous experiences
in a First Nations setting as the impetus for meaningful
literacy development. Canadian Journal of Native Education.
25(1).
